Tisza Party
In the often-turbulent landscape of Hungarian politics, a new player burst onto the scene in 2024, seemingly out of nowhere: the Tisza Party. This populist political movement, initially obscure, rapidly transformed into a major force, largely driven by the charismatic leadership of Péter Magyar. Its meteoric rise, culminating in a surprising victory in the European Parliament elections, has reshaped the country's political discourse and left many wondering what comes next. The Tisza Party transformed from an obscure entity into a significant political force in Hungary following Péter Magyar's high-profile entry. Its rapid ascent was fueled by a public pardoning scandal and subsequent corruption allegations against the ruling government. The party strategically avoids clear ideological stances, focusing instead on anti-corruption and a 'system change' agenda to appeal to a broad base.
AI Summary
In the often-turbulent landscape of Hungarian politics, a new player burst onto the scene in 2024, seemingly out of nowhere: the Tisza Party. This populist political movement, initially obscure, rapidly transformed into a major force, largely driven by the charismatic leadership of Péter Magyar. Its meteoric rise, culminating in a surprising victory in the European Parliament elections, has reshaped the country's political discourse and left many wondering what comes next.
- The Tisza Party transformed from an obscure entity into a significant political force in Hungary following Péter Magyar's high-profile entry.
- Its rapid ascent was fueled by a public pardoning scandal and subsequent corruption allegations against the ruling government.
- The party strategically avoids clear ideological stances, focusing instead on anti-corruption and a 'system change' agenda to appeal to a broad base.
The Tisza Party's Sudden Surge
The Respect and Freedom Party—or Tisza Párt as it's known in Hungarian—is a populist political party that had a truly remarkable 2024. Founded back in 2020, it was largely unknown until a dramatic shift in its fortunes. Suddenly, it became a significant contender, disrupting the established order in Hungary.
Early Days: Foundation and Naming
The party was initially founded in 2020 by Attila Szabó and Boldizsár Deák. Their vision was to contest the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election, relying on donations and their own personal wealth rather than state funds. Despite their efforts, which gathered 222,000 forints—around 600 Euros—they ultimately couldn't meet the requirements to run that year.
The name 'Tisza' itself holds symbolic weight. It's a portmanteau, cleverly combining the first letters of 'tisztelet' (respect) and 'szabadság' (freedom) in Hungarian. This also happens to be the name of Hungary's second-largest river, a powerful natural symbol often referenced in party campaigns. Current leader Péter Magyar frequently uses the motif, famously declaring, 'the Tisza flood is coming!'
A New Era: Péter Magyar's Arrival
The Tisza Party remained largely inactive, a quiet current, until early 2024. That's when Péter Magyar, a former Fidesz politician and ex-husband of then-Justice Minister Judit Varga, exploded onto the political scene. His emergence was directly tied to a major political scandal that rocked Hungary.
The scandal involved President Katalin Novák's controversial pardoning of a man who had attempted to cover up child abuse crimes. As Justice Minister, Judit Varga had also signed off on the pardon, implicating her in the widespread public outcry. This event ignited a firestorm, leading to resignations and a significant loss of public trust.
In the wake of the scandal, Magyar organized his first major protest on March 15th—a date commemorating the 1848 Hungarian Revolution, a highly symbolic anniversary. His demonstration drew massive crowds, far larger than those attending rallies organized by both the government and traditional opposition parties, signaling a new political force was stirring.
Magyar then went on to unleash another scandal for the government. He publicly released an audio recording related to the 'Schadl-Völner corruption case,' which involved senior officials. In the recording, his ex-wife, Judit Varga, admitted that trial documents had been altered on government orders. As he presented this bombshell information, a crowd of thousands gathered, demanding the government's resignation.
The European Parliament Challenge
In March 2024, with public momentum building, Magyar announced his intention to contest the European Parliament election. However, the tight deadlines and complex registration processes meant he couldn't form a brand-new party in time. This presented a unique challenge: how to channel his newfound support into an electoral victory?
After much speculation, Magyar announced in April that he would join the dormant Tisza Party. He quickly assumed the role of Vice President and became the party's top candidate for the EU Parliament. Predictions from pollsters, including government-aligned ones, suggested a Magyar-led list could win significant votes—and they were right.
The Tisza Party's performance was nothing short of a political earthquake. They came in second, securing almost 30% of the vote and an impressive 7 seats in the European Parliament. This result was widely characterized by the media as the first serious challenge to Viktor Orbán's long-dominant Fidesz party in over a decade.
Initially, Magyar had stated he wouldn't take his MEP seat. However, after a party website vote where over 75% of respondents favored him taking the seat, he accepted. In July 2024, he officially took over the party's leadership from founder Attila Szabó, who transitioned to an 'honorary president' role.
Beyond Elections: Building a Movement
Buoyed by their European Parliament success, the Tisza Party embarked on building a robust grassroots organization. Prior to Magyar's involvement, they lacked a strong local presence, so they launched 'Tisza islands'—a network of local supporters and potential candidates designed to build a base across the country, especially crucial for the 2026 Hungarian election.
By January 2025, social media analysis indicated the rapid growth of this network, with over 208 'islands' and more than 20,000 members. Magyar himself actively engaged in grassroots campaigning, undertaking high-profile 'press stunts' such as walking across the country accompanied by his supporters, further energizing his base.
In March 2025, Magyar launched an innovative informal 'referendum' called 'Voice of the Nation.' This questionnaire, featuring 13 key questions, could be filled out online or in person, directly involving citizens in shaping the party's policy agenda.
The initiative proved hugely popular, garnering an impressive 1,137,266 responses. Most questions saw overwhelming support, with over 90% voting in favor. The final question, regarding Ukraine's position in the EU, was more contested, though still saw 58% support, reflecting the nuances of public opinion.
Vision for the Future: The 'Hungarian New Deal'
On July 12th, the party held its second congress in Nagykanizsa, a significant event attended by several thousand people. This congress was a platform for Tisza to articulate its long-term vision and solidify its plans for the upcoming national elections.
A key announcement at the congress was the decision to hold closed primaries for all constituency candidates, allowing members to choose from a curated list of approved individuals. Magyar also emphatically declared that Tisza would run independently in 2026, rejecting any alliances with other parties.
During his impassioned speech, Magyar outlined his ambitious plans for a Tisza government, encapsulated by the motto: 'System change, peacefully, responsibly.' He dubbed this comprehensive strategy the 'Hungarian New Deal,' primarily focusing on how they would invest reclaimed EU funds to revitalize the country, building heavily on policies favored in the 'Voice of the Nation' questionnaire.
Recognizing the need to expand their reach, Magyar also committed to holding more events in rural areas, where Tisza's support was less established. He announced an ambitious '80-day tour' of the country, promising numerous engagements right up until the election next year.
Ideology and Policy: A Shifting Platform
Before Péter Magyar's meteoric rise, Tisza was a minor, self-described 'ideology-free' conservative party. Its platform was vague, its influence minimal. But under Magyar's leadership, its identity began to shift dramatically.
Now, the Tisza Party is generally considered a center-right political party and is a member of the European People's Party Group (EPP Group). While some describe it as conservative or national conservative, it deliberately avoids rigid ideological labels. This strategic ambiguity allows it to appeal to the widest possible coalition of voters, embracing a 'centrist anti-establishment' umbrella.
Magyar's appeal to Tisza was precisely this idea of an ideologically neutral, centrist, grassroots organization. He often speaks of forging a 'third political force' in Hungary, specifically to dismantle the Fidesz-controlled 'System of National Cooperation' (NER), which he claims allows the ruling party to maintain pervasive control over society. He has also championed free speech, defending those fired from civil jobs for attending demonstrations.
Anti-Corruption Measures
At the heart of Tisza's platform is a fierce anti-corruption stance. Magyar has led multiple protests against what he calls a 'mafia state' and the allegedly corrupt NER, claiming that the Fidesz government primarily enriches its allies and that a few families effectively run the entire country. Consequently, Tisza explicitly rules out cooperation with existing opposition parties, viewing them as complicit in the current system.
To combat this 'industrial-scale' corruption, Tisza proposes concrete steps. These include joining the European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO), a body designed to investigate and prosecute fraud affecting the EU budget, and fundamentally strengthening the independence of the judiciary. This would also involve reinforcing checks and balances in the political system, with a pledge not to prosecute political opponents.
Another unique proposal is to declassify agent files from Hungary's Communist era. This move aims to shine a light on illicit personal wealth gains made during the rapid privatization period of the 1990s, offering transparency into the origins of today's economic elites.
Democratic Reforms and Accountability
On the democratic front, Magyar advocates for direct election of the President of Hungary, transforming it from a largely ceremonial role into one with a direct mandate from the people. He has also pledged to abolish benefits for former presidents, enhancing accountability.
A long-standing policy of Tisza, now championed by Magyar, is the implementation of term limits for elected positions. The party has proposed holding a referendum to limit the Prime Minister to a maximum of two terms, or eight years, aiming to prevent the concentration of power.
Economic Revival and EU Funds
Economically, Magyar asserts that a top priority for a Tisza government would be to recover the substantial €20 billion in EU funds currently withheld by the European Commission. These funds were frozen due to the Fidesz administration's breaches of EU rule of law. Magyar plans to immediately use these recovered funds to 'kick-start' the economy and provide much-needed support for smaller businesses.
Beyond recovering EU funds, Magyar also supports the creation of national minimums in critical areas. These would include guaranteed minimums for energy provision and welfare, ensuring a basic safety net for all Hungarian citizens.
Foreign Policy: Pro-EU, Cautious on Ukraine
In terms of foreign policy, the Tisza Party generally holds a pro-European stance, signaling a desire for stronger ties with the European Union. Unsurprisingly, this has led to accusations from Prime Minister Orbán that Tisza is the European Commission's preferred 'puppet government' to replace Fidesz, though no evidence has been provided to support these claims.
Article
Tisza Party
The Respect and Freedom Party, commonly known by its Hungarian abbreviation Tisza Party, is a conservative and pro-European political party in Hungary founded in 2020. It rapidly rose to prominence when former Fidesz party member Péter Magyar joined; members of his non-party movement "Stand up Hungarians Community" assumed the majority of positions in the party to take part in the 2024 European Parliament election, and won 7 seats in the European Parliament. The party is led by Péter Magyar, who was elected party leader on 22 July 2024. Zoltán Tarr and Andrea Bujdosó are serving as the party's parliamentary leaders in the European Parliament and the General Assembly of Budapest, respectively.
History
Formation and name
The party was founded on 23 October 2020 by Attila Szabó and Boldizsár Deák, and planned to contest the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election. The party rejected state funds and instead relied on donations and personal wealth of its members. While it collected 222,000 forints, the party could not run in the elections that year.
"Tisza" is a portmanteau of the first syllables of the Hungarian words tisztelet (respect) and szabadság (freedom). This is a play on words: the Tisza, Hungary's second-longest river, is a well-known motif in Hungarian literature and national symbology. The name is used as a theme in party campaigns, with current leader Magyar often referencing it. For example, in reference to the frequency with which the Tisza floods the Great Hungarian Plain, "the Tisza is flooding!" (Hungarian: Árad a Tisza!) has become a popular chant at Magyar's rallies.
Péter Magyar's involvement
The party remained relatively inactive until 2024. Péter Magyar, the former Fidesz politician and ex-husband of former justice minister Judit Varga, came onto the political scene after the pardoning scandal in which President Katalin Novák pardoned a man who tried to cover up pedophile crimes. As Minister of Justice, Varga also had to sign the pardons and was therefore complicit in the scandal. Magyar organised his first protest on 15 March, the anniversary of the beginning of the 1848 Hungarian Revolution. Events were also held by both the government and the traditional opposition parties, but his demonstration attracted the largest crowds.
After this, Magyar proceeded to cause yet another scandal for the government, as he published a recording relating to the Schadl–Völner corruption case involving two senior officials. In the recording, his ex-wife—the Minister of Justice at the time—admitted that documents relating to the trial had been altered at the orders of the government. As he presented this information to the jury, a protest crowd of around one thousand gathered outside, demanding the resignation of the government.
Tisza MEPs (excluding Magyar)
In March 2024, Magyar announced he wished to contest the 2024 European Parliament election in Hungary; however, he could not found his own party due to election deadlines and registration processes. Prior to the announcement of which party Magyar would join, pollsters like the government-aligned Nézőpont Institute suggested that a Magyar-led list could win multiple seats and 13% of the vote. In April, it was announced that Magyar would join Tisza. He was elected as one of the party's vice presidents, as well as the top candidate on Tisza's European Parliament list.
In the European Parliament election in May 2024, Tisza came second with almost 30% of the vote and 7 seats; this performance was characterised by the media as a challenge to the ruling Fidesz of Viktor Orbán. Magyar initially did not take his seat and had said he would not do so during the election campaign. He decided to put it up to a vote on the party's website: over 75% voted in favour of him taking a seat, and as such he was one of the 7 Tisza MEPs.
Run up to the 2026 parliamentary election
Magyar at a Tisza campaign event in August 2025, in Battonya
Grassroots support
Following the European Parliament result, Tisza began to build up a membership and a local base, as the party had not had much success prior to Magyar's involvement. In order to build up a base across the country and be able to effectively contest more rural constituencies in the 2026 Hungarian election, the party set up "Tisza Islands" (Tisza Sziget), a network of local supporters and potential candidates. As of January 2025, analysis of social media suggested that there were 208 "islands", with over 20,000 members in total. Moreover, Magyar conducted press stunts such as walking across the country with supporters.
In July 2024, Magyar assumed the leadership of the party from founder Attila Szabó, who was instead given the title of honorary president. In July 2025, Tisza launched Tiszta Hang (meaning "Clear Voice"), which the party said was a newspaper that would be delivered by volunteers in an attempt to reach rural voters. The first copies, of which they printed almost one million, were delivered from the 8–10th August. After reading the first copy, 444.hu claimed that Tiszta Hang was more of a programme booklet than a newspaper.
"Voice of the nation"
In March 2025, Magyar announced that he would launch an informal referendum questionnaire, asking people 13 (12+1) questions. The questionnaire could be filled out online or in person, and would inform the party's policy. There were 1,137,266 responses to the questionnaire. Most questions saw over 90% of respondents vote in favour, though the final (+1) question on Ukraine's position in the EU was more contested, with 58% in favour. The full results are as follows:
2025 Nagykanizsa conference
On 12 July, the party held its second congress, in Nagykanizsa. The event was attended by several thousand people. At the congress, the party announced that they would hold closed primaries for all their constituency candidates, with members choosing, in rounds, 1 out of 3 approved candidates. Magyar declared that the party would run independently without any other party. During Magyar's speech to the congress, he set out his plans for if Tisza were to win the 2026 election, saying they would need to act immediately to kickstart the country, with the motto of this work being "System change, peacefully, responsibly." Magyar labelled this plan the "Hungarian New Deal", and it primarily focused on what they would invest the money he argues they can reclaim from the EU on. Much of the policy built upon that voted on in the "voice of the nation" questionnaire. Magyar also announced that the party would hold more events in the countryside, as Tisza is less strong there. He said that he would be touring the country in 80 days, and doing many tours up until the election next year. Reporting a few days after the conference, on 14 July, the BBC said that Tisza had about two million supporters, rivalling the roughly equivalent core base of Fidesz.
2025 partisan primary
After a call for candidates in 2024, the party selected 103 of its 106 future candidates for the 2026 parliamentary election in a two-round primary in late 2025. The party put forward 3 nominees in each district (except the district of leader Péter Magyar and 2 seats) and in the first round all Tisza Island members above the age of 16 could vote. Voting took place via a modified Borda count. In the second round, voting was opened also to all resident citizens above 18 who could vote for either of the two advancing candidates. Winners were announced on 28 November 2025.
Ideology and policy
Tisza Party
Prior to Magyar, Tisza was a minor conservative party, which defined itself as being "ideology-free". Under Magyar, Tisza Party has become a centre-right political party and a member of the European People's Party Group (EPP Group). Tisza, described as "synonymous with Magyar himself", has been described variously as a "centrist anti-establishment party", conservative, "conservative-liberal", or national conservative. The party has avoided taking clear ideological positions to appeal to the widest electoral coalition possible.
Magyar chose Tisza due to similarities in views about an ideologically neutral centrist grassroot organization. He often spoke about creating a "third political force" in Hungary to abolish the System of National Cooperation (NER), which Fidesz uses to maintain control over society at large. He defended free speech after multiple members were fired from their civil jobs after appearing at demonstrations.
Anti-corruption
Magyar hosted multiple protests against the "mafia state" and the allegedly corrupt NER. Magyar has claimed that the Fidesz government has been enriching its allies and that a few families ran the entire country. The party has ruled out cooperation with the opposition since it regards them as complicit with the government. To stop the "industrial-scale" corruption, Magyar wishes to take steps such as joining the European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO) and making the judiciary independent. This would come alongside strengthening checks and balances in the political system, and not prosecuting political opponents. The party also proposed declassifying the agent files from the Communist era to shed light on personal wealth gains during the rapid privatization period in the 1990s.
Democracy
Magyar has called for the President of Hungary to become a directly-elected position. He has also pledged to abolish the benefits for former presidents. A long-standing policy of Tisza, and one supported by Magyar, is to put term-limits on elected officials, and the party has proposed holding a referendum to limit the Prime Minister to serving a maximum of 2 terms (8 years).
Economy and public services
Magyar has stated that a top priority for a Tisza government would be to recover the €20 billion of EU funds that the European Commission withheld due to the Fidesz-led government breaching EU law on immigration and asylum seekers. He plans to use these funds to "kick-start" the economy and help smaller businesses. Magyar also supports the creation of national minimums, such as on energy and welfare. Furthermore, Magyar has voiced support for the adoption of the Euro, citing the "stability and predictability" it would give to "the markets, Hungarian entrepreneurs and Hungarians".
Foreign policy and immigration
Magyar and Orbán in the European Parliament
The party is pro-European, and holds a pro-Western stance. Without providing evidence to such effect, Orbán has claimed that Tisza is the European Commission's preferred "puppet government" to succeed the Fidesz administration. Fidesz has also pointed to Russian state intelligence that claims the European Commission wishes to bring Magyar and Tisza to power, which Magyar has decried as Russian interference in the election. Analysts note that in the European Parliament, Tisza MEPs are mostly aligned with pro-EU forces, however they engage in "tactical alignment" with Fidesz on some questions, diverging from the rest of the EPP group.
Tisza supports the Fidesz government's position against sending weapons or troops to support Ukraine following Russia's invasion. The party also is opposed to Ukraine's accelerated EU accession. Orbán has attempted to paint the party as pro-Ukraine, including accusations from the government that Ukraine was using Magyar to undermine them; however, no evidence has been provided to back such claims up. Tisza supports strict migration regulations, similar to those of the Fidesz government, and has criticised the incumbent government for bringing thousands of non-EU migrant workers into the country.
In December 2025, the Slovak parliament approved amendment to the criminal law, which criminalizes questioning of the Beneš decrees, a series of controversial executive orders from the end of World War II, which allows the government to confiscate property of Hungarians living on the territory of the Slovak Republic. This quickly became one of the main topics of pre-election campaign because of closer political relationship between Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán and Slovakian PM Robert Fico. After this, Magyar used the term Felvidék, a historical name for Upper Hungary, to refer to Hungarians living in Slovakia, which led to condemnation from the Slovak government.
Social issues
The party has broadly stayed away from talking about or having opinions on particular social issues. Magyar has refused to engage with "culture war" issues, suggesting talking about it is falling for "government propaganda". The party was also cautious surrounding 2025 Budapest Pride, not reacting to the event or the ban until the day of the event, when Magyar said it showed that Orbán had lost popularity.
Attacks against the party
Tisza Party
The party has alleged that it has been the victim of attacks and allegations from several figures and organisations, often linked to the Fidesz government.
Targeting Magyar
In May 2025, a new regulation was passed that changed the rules on asset declaration, which was widely considered to be targeting Magyar and potentially remove his mandate as MEP. As a result, Magyar and all other MEPs made their assets public. In June 2025, a suspension of Magyar's MEP immunity was requested following several prosecution cases against him, including defamation cases tabled by MPs (one from Fidesz, one from Our Homeland Movement), which he claims is politically motivated. Magyar said that he would waive his immunity if the Hungarian government joined the European Public Prosecutor's Office. The Committee on Legal Affairs voted to protect his immunity in September, ahead of a final decision by the European Parliament in October.
In August 2025, during a public event in Gyula, a man attempted to throw an object at Magyar. Magyar initially described it as a beer can, but subsequent reports and video footage indicated it was a packet of sunflower seeds. Also in August, a man used a Facebook comment to call for the shooting of Magyar, writing: "Hátravinni, agyon lőni!!" (“Take him back, shoot him!!”). The police arrested the suspect and conducted a search of his residence, where airgun and live ammunition linked to hunting rifles and pistols were found. It was reported in September 2025 that some analysts and government critics believed Orbán is laying the groundwork to try and disqualify Magyar from the election in 2026.
In February 2026, the webpage radnaimark.hu released a photo of an empty bed titled "Coming soon", which was latter expanded with the date 3 August 2024 with the title "Once upon a time". Magyar said that he recognises the place and that he had consensual sex there with his former girlfriend. He also said that this picture is "a dirty campaign of a russian style". The photo quickly became a source of many memes.
"I, The Two-faced" posters at a bus stop in Budapest
In March, Nemzeti Ellenállási Mozgalom, an organization close to Fidesz, released a comic book titled Én, a kétarcú (lit. 'I, the Two-faced'), which depicts Magyar as a demonic, aggressive, cunning, and corrupted figure, who is controlled by Brussels and Kyiv. The European Union and the European People's Party are depicted as mafia organizations. According to the comic book, Magyar wanted to become minister of justice, but his then-wife, Judit Varga, was chosen by Orbán instead. Therefore Magyar decided to take revenge and partnered with EPP, Shell and Erste. Billboards nationwide teased the release of the comic book, which received only 1 star out of 5 on the bookstore Libri.hu.
Targeting the party at large
During the "voice of the nation" questionnaire, there were several reports that Tisza activists manning public stalls were attacked, which the party claimed was incited by PM Orbán. Magyar also made claims that Fidesz would stage attacks on their own party by figures dressed as Tisza activists. Magyar claimed that the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ), acted as spies for Fidesz in the EPP Group in the European Parliament. The party has claimed there have been blackmail attempts against various Tisza politicians. In June 2025, an informal volunteer platform hosted on Discord had a data breach that was leaked to the press, which affected around 500 volunteers. The party claimed that this was a "Russian-style smear campaign". The Discord server was shut down following the incident.
On 14 February, Orbán said that Tisza was "a German product" created by Shell and Erste.
Several independent candidates that run on constituency lists have unusually similar names with real candidates of the Tisza party. For example Péter Tisza or Péter Magyar (not the leader). These name similarities are meant to confuse voters on the election day.
Election results
European Parliament
<table><thead><tr><th>Election</th><th>List leader</th><th>Votes</th><th>%</th><th>Seats</th><th>+/−</th><th>EP group</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2024</td><td>Péter Magyar</td><td>1,352,699</td><td>29.60 (2nd)</td><td>7 / 21</td><td>New</td><td>EPP</td></tr></tbody></table>
General Assembly of Budapest
<table><thead><tr><th>Election</th><th>List leader</th><th>Votes</th><th>%</th><th>Seats</th><th>+/−</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>2024</td><td>Péter Magyar</td><td>216,609</td><td>27.34 (2nd)</td><td>10 / 33</td><td>New</td></tr></tbody></table>
Leadership
President
<table><thead><tr><th>No.</th><th>President</th><th>Took office</th><th>Left office</th><th>Tenure</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1</td><td>Attila Szabó</td><td></td><td>23 October 2020</td><td>22 July 2024</td><td>3 years, 273 days</td></tr><tr><td>2</td><td>Péter Magyar</td><td></td><td>22 July 2024</td><td>Incumbent</td><td>1 year, 252 days</td></tr></tbody></table>