2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
The 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election was more than just a vote; it was a resounding affirmation of Viktor Orbán's conservative vision, defying predictions of a closer contest. His Fidesz party secured an unprecedented fourth consecutive supermajority, solidifying his unique brand of 'illiberal democracy' on the European stage. But behind the celebratory rhetoric, the election also brought to light deep divisions within Hungarian society and raised significant questions about the fairness of the electoral process itself. Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party secured a historic, overwhelming victory, expanding its parliamentary supermajority for a fourth consecutive term. Despite forming a broad alliance, the opposition failed to challenge Fidesz effectively, struggling with internal ideological differences and media influence. The election's fairness was questioned by international observers, particularly regarding media bias, campaign funding, and the integrity of postal ballots.
AI Summary
The 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election was more than just a vote; it was a resounding affirmation of Viktor Orbán's conservative vision, defying predictions of a closer contest. His Fidesz party secured an unprecedented fourth consecutive supermajority, solidifying his unique brand of 'illiberal democracy' on the European stage. But behind the celebratory rhetoric, the election also brought to light deep divisions within Hungarian society and raised significant questions about the fairness of the electoral process itself.
- Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party secured a historic, overwhelming victory, expanding its parliamentary supermajority for a fourth consecutive term.
- Despite forming a broad alliance, the opposition failed to challenge Fidesz effectively, struggling with internal ideological differences and media influence.
- The election's fairness was questioned by international observers, particularly regarding media bias, campaign funding, and the integrity of postal ballots.
A "Moon-Sized" Victory for Orbán
On April 3, 2022, Hungary went to the polls for its parliamentary election, a vote that quickly became a landslide victory for incumbent Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party. With partial results in, Orbán declared a win so significant, he famously said, 'you can see it from the moon, and you can certainly see it from Brussels.'
This was no ordinary win. Fidesz garnered 54.13% of the popular vote, marking the highest share for any party since the fall of Communism in 1989. They not only retained but expanded their two-thirds supermajority, securing 135 out of 199 seats in Parliament.
The results stunned many, as polls had predicted a tighter race. The opposition alliance, 'United for Hungary,' won 57 seats, while the nationalist Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland Movement) party entered Parliament for the first time with 6 seats, shifting the political landscape.
Internationally, Orbán's victory was widely seen as a triumph for right-wing populism, strengthening a political current championed by figures like former U.S. President Donald Trump. His return to power signaled a continuation of policies often at odds with the European Union.
Reshaping the Rules of Engagement
Before the election, the electoral law itself underwent significant changes. In December 2020, with their existing two-thirds majority, Fidesz-KDNP voted to increase the requirements for parties to run nationwide — from 27 constituency candidates in 9 counties to 71 candidates across 14 counties and the capital.
This change made it considerably harder for smaller parties to qualify independently, effectively pushing them towards broader alliances if they wished to compete on a national level. It was a strategic move that fundamentally altered the playing field.
Furthermore, the electoral boundaries themselves have long been a point of contention. Prior to the 2014 elections, Fidesz redrew constituency lines in a way that critics labeled 'gerrymandering.' Smaller constituencies, often with a higher concentration of Fidesz voters, required fewer votes to elect a candidate, granting a distinct advantage.
Hungary's electoral system also includes unique provisions for ethnic minorities. Each of 13 recognized minorities can win a seat if they meet a lowered quota, or at least send a minority spokesman to the National Assembly. However, due to internal disputes, the National Self-Government of Romani did not participate in this election.
The United Front Against Fidesz
Following the 2018 election, where Fidesz-KDNP again secured a two-thirds majority, opposition parties realized a stark truth: to defeat Orbán, they needed to unite. This realization sparked a series of unprecedented collaborations, beginning with joint demonstrations against the controversial 'slave law' in late 2018.
This spirit of cooperation proved successful in the 2019 local elections, where joint opposition lists won a majority in the General Assembly of Budapest and several other key cities. This local success laid the groundwork for a broader national alliance.
By August 2020, six major opposition parties — from the left-liberal Democratic Coalition to the formerly far-right Jobbik — agreed to field joint candidates across all 106 constituencies. They also pledged a common program and a single prime ministerial candidate, solidifying their alliance as 'United for Hungary.'
This coalition, however, was ideologically diverse, spanning the political spectrum from green liberalism to conservatism. While necessary for electoral viability, this diversity was often cited as a potential weakness in presenting a cohesive, united front against Fidesz.
To select their joint prime ministerial candidate, the opposition held Hungary's first-ever countrywide primary election in late 2021. After two rounds of voting, Péter Márki-Zay, a non-partisan conservative mayor, emerged victorious, becoming the face of the united opposition.
How Votes Translate to Seats
Hungary's National Assembly has 199 members elected through a mixed-member majoritarian system. This means 106 seats are decided in single-member constituencies by 'first-past-the-post' voting— whoever gets the most votes wins.
The remaining 93 seats are allocated from a single nationwide list through a partially compensatory proportional representation system, using the d'Hondt method. This system aims to balance regional representation with overall party strength, though the compensatory element can be complex.
Crucially, to win seats from the national list, parties face electoral thresholds: 5% for a single party, 10% for a two-party coalition, and a steep 15% for alliances of three or more parties. This high bar for coalitions was a significant hurdle for the 'United for Hungary' alliance.
The Final Tally
Despite pre-election polls suggesting a closer race, Fidesz-KDNP's dominance on election day was undeniable. They secured 135 seats in total—87 from individual constituencies and 48 from the national list—confirming their two-thirds supermajority.
The 'United for Hungary' opposition alliance managed 57 seats (19 constituency, 38 national list), a significant setback given their broad coalition. Meanwhile, the far-right Mi Hazánk movement made history by entering Parliament with 6 seats from the national list, a new force in the legislature.
A geographic breakdown of the votes reveals a clear urban-rural divide. Fidesz-KDNP performed exceptionally well in rural areas and in the Hungarian diaspora, often exceeding 50% of the vote. In contrast, 'United for Hungary' found its strongest support in Budapest and a few other urban centers, but struggled to break through elsewhere.
Aftermath and Analysis
In his victory speech, Viktor Orbán didn't just celebrate; he framed the win as a sweeping rebuke against a multitude of opponents. He castigated the Hungarian left, international media, billionaire George Soros, 'Brussels bureaucrats,' and even Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, signaling an uncompromising future.
International observers, like the OSCE, noted that while the election offered distinct alternatives and was well-run on election day, it was 'marred by the pervasive overlapping of government and ruling coalition’s messaging that blurred the line between state and party, as well as by media bias and opaque campaign funding.'
Organizations like Human Rights Watch and Freedom House went further, describing the election as neither truly free nor fair, citing concerns about the erosion of democracy and rule of law in Hungary, and critiquing the European Union's insufficient response.
Domestically, analysts pointed to several factors for Fidesz's overwhelming victory: their strong influence over the media, a desire for stability during the ongoing war in Ukraine, the opposition's ideological fractures, Péter Márki-Zay's perceived inexperience, and the entrenched urban-rural political polarization.
A key challenge for the opposition was the significant loss of traditional Jobbik voters, many of whom reportedly shifted their support to either Fidesz or the Mi Hazánk movement. This internal bleed-out significantly weakened the 'United for Hungary' alliance's chances.
The defeat also exposed deep cracks within the opposition leadership, with some blaming Márki-Zay directly, while others suggested the alliance's 'elitist' rhetoric alienated crucial rural voters, even in historically left-leaning areas.
Doubts Over Ballot Integrity
A major point of controversy surrounded postal ballots. Hungarian citizens without a permanent residence in Hungary—primarily the Hungarian diaspora in neighboring countries with dual citizenship—can vote only for party lists via post, without having to visit an embassy or consulate. Fidesz-KDNP consistently garners over 90% of these votes.
Critics argue this system lacks sufficient safeguards against fraud. A Hungarian-language Romanian news portal, Transtelex.ro, exposed vulnerabilities: insecure registration allowing proxy sign-ups, difficulty verifying voter identity, and a 2021 legislative change that permitted ballot returns without a sealed security envelope.
Reports emerged of Fidesz-allied parties in Serbia and Romania, such as the Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMSZ) and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR), directly collecting ballot papers instead of allowing postal services to handle them, raising concerns about undue influence.
The controversy escalated just days before the election when a bag of partially burnt Hungarian postal ballot papers was discovered in Romania. All the destroyed ballots were cast for opposition parties. Hungarian authorities launched a criminal investigation, and opposition leaders called for all postal votes to be annulled.
However, the National Election Commission and later the Curia of Hungary (Hungary's supreme court) decided not to investigate the burnt ballots issue, citing that election law only covers the territory of Hungary. This decision sparked further outrage and reinforced doubts about the transparency of the electoral process.
Article
2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
Parliamentary elections were held in Hungary on 3 April 2022 to elect the National Assembly, coinciding with a referendum. Hungary's incumbent prime minister Viktor Orbán won re-election to a fourth term. Addressing his supporters after the partial results showed Fidesz-KDNP leading by a wide margin, Orbán said: "We won a victory so big that you can see it from the moon, and you can certainly see it from Brussels." Opposition leader Péter Márki-Zay admitted defeat shortly after Orbán's speech. Reuters described it as a "crushing victory".
With 54.13% of the popular vote, Fidesz received the highest vote share by any party since the Fall of Communism in 1989. The election had been predicted to be closer than in previous years but Fidesz still held a 5–6 percentage point lead in the polls leading up to the vote. OSCE deployed a full monitoring mission for the vote. The results showed that Fidesz outperformed polls, winning its first absolute majority of the vote share since (/wiki/2010Hungarianparliamentaryelection) while expanding its supermajority to control 135 seats of the 199-seat Parliament, comfortably ahead of the opposition alliance United for Hungary, which was set to win 57 seats after 100% of the votes had been counted. The Our Homeland Movement party won seats for the first time, obtaining 6 seats.
Internationally, the election was seen as a victory for right-wing populism with Orbán being an ally of then former US President Donald Trump and other right-wing figures.
Background
Creation of joint opposition list
On 8 April 2018, just like in 2010 and 2014, Fidesz-KDNP won with two-third majority, collecting almost every second votes of people. Following the election, the main opposition parties, which had previously run alone or partly united, gradually realized that Fidesz could only be defeated through full cooperation. The first step of this was a joint demonstration in December of that year against the so called "slave law", which would have required workers to work in overtime.
In 2019 local elections, Democratic Coalition, Jobbik, LMP – Hungary's Green Party, Hungarian Socialist Party, Momentum Movement, Dialogue for Hungary, and numerous other parties or independent candidates ran in joint lists. It enabled opposition parties to win the majority in the General Assembly of Budapest and in ten of the 23 cities with county rights.
On 13 August 2020, the six parties decided to field joint candidates in all of Hungary's 106 constituencies and launch a joint program for the elections, later agreed on running with a common candidate for Prime Minister, to be selected in a primary election. They expected the candidate to be selected by 23 October 2021. On 20 December 2020, DK, Jobbik, Momentum, MSZP, LMP and Dialogue decided on running together on a common list, solidifying their electoral alliance. The leaders of the respective parties have also signed a declaration containing the terms of their cooperation, titled "Korszakváltás Garanciái" (Principles for Hungary's governance after 2022"). The opposition coalition was very ideologically diverse, something described by observers as a potential hindrance to presenting a united front to defeat Orbán.
Amendment of the electoral law
The electoral law, under which the previous two elections were held ((/wiki/2014Hungarianparliamentaryelection) and (/wiki/2018Hungarianparliamentaryelection)), specified the number of constituency candidates a party needed to run nationwide at 27, in at least 9 counties. On 15 December 2020, the National Assembly, in which the governing parties held the needed a two-third majority, voted to increase the requirements to a total of 71 constituency candidates in at least 14 counties and the capital.
Opposition primary
The Opposition primary was held in Hungary, between 12 and 27 September 2021 (first round) and 10–16 October 2021 (second round), to select the candidate for Prime Minister supported by the opposition parties to form a coalition to compete in the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election. It was the first countrywide primary election in the political history of Hungary. On 17 October 2021, non-partisan candidate Péter Márki-Zay won in the runoff (second round) of the opposition primary, becoming the United Opposition candidate in the election for prime minister. The parties had also selected common candidates for single-member districts via the primary in the first round.
Electoral system
2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
The 199 members of the National Assembly are to be elected by mixed-member majoritarian representation with two methods; 106 are elected in single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post voting, with the remaining 93 elected from a single nationwide constituency mostly by proportional representation, via a partially compensatory system (a hybrid of parallel voting and mixed single vote). The electoral threshold is set at 5%, although this is raised to 10% for coalitions of two parties and 15% for coalitions of three or more parties. Seats are allocated using the d'Hondt method.
The governing party is allowed to draw the boundaries of the single-member constituencies, and the boundaries were gerrymandered by the Fidesz government prior to the 2014 elections. The redrawing was done in a way that smaller constituencies (with fewer than 70,000 voters) had higher concentrations of Fidesz voters than larger constituencies (over 80,000 voters), meaning fewer votes were required to elect Fidesz constituency candidates. In 2010, seats varied in population by 35%.
Since 2014 each of the Armenian, Bulgarian, Croatian, German, Greek, Polish, Romani, Romanian, Rusyn, Serbian, Slovak, Slovenian, and Ukrainian ethnic minorities can win one of the 93 party lists seats if they register as a specific list and reach a lowered quota of ${\displaystyle {\frac {1}{4\times 93}}={\frac {1}{372}}\approx 0.27\%}$ of the total of party list votes. Each minority is able to send a minority spokesman – without the rights of an MP – to the National Assembly, if the list does not reach this lowered quota. Due to internal disputes, the National Self-Government of Romani did not participate in the election.
Parties and coalitions
2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
The following parties were represented in the National Assembly, or have commonly included in public opinion polling:
<table><thead><tr><th>Party/Coalition Full name</th><th>Ideology</th><th>Leader(s)</th><th>2018 result</th><th>Seats just before the election</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Votes (%)</td><td>Seats</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Fidesz–KDNP</td><td></td><td>Fidesz Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance</td><td>National conservatism</td><td>Viktor Orbán</td><td>49.27</td><td>117 / 199</td><td>116 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>KDNP Christian Democratic People's Party</td><td>Christian right</td><td>Zsolt Semjén</td><td>16 / 199</td><td>17 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>EM United for Hungary</td><td></td><td>Jobbik Movement for a Better Hungary</td><td>Conservatism</td><td>Péter Jakab</td><td>19.06</td><td>26 / 199</td><td>17 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>MSZP Hungarian Socialist Party</td><td>Social democracy</td><td>Bertalan Tóth Ágnes Kunhalmi</td><td>11.31</td><td>15 / 199</td><td>15 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Párbeszéd Dialogue for Hungary</td><td>Green politics</td><td>Gergely Karácsony Tímea Szabó</td><td>5 / 199</td><td>5 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>DK Democratic Coalition</td><td>Social liberalism</td><td>Ferenc Gyurcsány</td><td>5.38</td><td>9 / 199</td><td>9 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>LMP LMP – Hungary's Green Party</td><td>Green liberalism</td><td>Máté Kanász-Nagy Erzsébet Schmuck</td><td>7.06</td><td>8 / 199</td><td>6 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Momentum Momentum Movement</td><td>Liberalism</td><td>Anna Donáth</td><td>3.06</td><td>0 / 199</td><td>0 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Együtt Together</td><td>Social liberalism</td><td>Péter Juhász</td><td>0.66</td><td>1 / 199</td><td>0 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>MNOÖ National Self-Government of Germans in Hungary</td><td>German minority interests</td><td>Imre Ritter</td><td>0.46</td><td>1 / 199</td><td>1 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>MKKP Hungarian Two Tailed Dog Party</td><td>Joke party</td><td>Gergely Kovács Zsuzsanna Döme</td><td>1.73</td><td>0 / 199</td><td>0 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>MH Our Homeland Movement</td><td>Hungarian nationalism</td><td>László Toroczkai</td><td>Did not exist</td><td>2 / 199</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Függetlenek Independents</td><td>–</td><td>–</td><td>1.01</td><td>1 / 199</td><td>11 / 199</td></tr></tbody></table>
Results
2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
<table><thead><tr><th>7:00</th><th>9:00</th><th>11:00</th><th>13:00</th><th>15:00</th><th>17:00</th><th>18:30</th><th>Overall</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>1.82%</td><td>10.31%</td><td>25.77%</td><td>40.01%</td><td>52.75%</td><td>62.92%</td><td>67.80%</td><td>70.21%</td></tr></tbody></table>
<table><thead><tr><th>Party</th><th>Party-list</th><th>Constituency</th><th>Total seats</th><th>+/–</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Votes</td><td>%</td><td>Seats</td><td>Votes</td><td>%</td><td>Seats</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Fidesz–KDNP</td><td>3,060,706</td><td>54.13</td><td>48</td><td>2,823,419</td><td>52.52</td><td>87</td><td>135</td><td>+2</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>United for Hungary</td><td>1,947,331</td><td>34.44</td><td>38</td><td>1,983,708</td><td>36.90</td><td>19</td><td>57</td><td>–8</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Our Homeland Movement</td><td>332,487</td><td>5.88</td><td>6</td><td>307,064</td><td>5.71</td><td>0</td><td>6</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party</td><td>185,052</td><td>3.27</td><td>0</td><td>126,648</td><td>2.36</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Solution Movement</td><td>58,929</td><td>1.04</td><td>0</td><td>64,341</td><td>1.20</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Party of Normal Life</td><td>39,720</td><td>0.70</td><td>0</td><td>31,495</td><td>0.59</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Germans</td><td>24,630</td><td>0.44</td><td>1</td><td></td><td>1</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Croats</td><td>1,760</td><td>0.03</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Slovaks</td><td>1,208</td><td>0.02</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Rusyns</td><td>645</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Romanians</td><td>526</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Serbs</td><td>418</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Ukrainians</td><td>396</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Poles</td><td>281</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Greeks</td><td>232</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Slovenes</td><td>219</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Armenians</td><td>163</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>National Self-Government of Bulgarians</td><td>157</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td></td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Leftist Alliance</td><td></td><td>8,678</td><td>0.16</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>True Democratic Party</td><td></td><td>989</td><td>0.02</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Civic Response</td><td></td><td>521</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Our Party – IMA</td><td></td><td>326</td><td>0.01</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Party of Greens</td><td></td><td>208</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Democratic Organisation of the Poor and Workers</td><td></td><td>177</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>New</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Hungarian Liberal Party</td><td></td><td>152</td><td>0.00</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Independents</td><td></td><td>28,416</td><td>0.53</td><td>0</td><td>0</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>5,654,860</td><td>100.00</td><td>93</td><td>5,376,142</td><td>100.00</td><td>106</td><td>199</td><td>0</td></tr><tr><td>Valid votes</td><td>5,654,860</td><td>99.00</td><td></td><td>5,376,142</td><td>98.80</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Invalid/blank votes</td><td>57,065</td><td>1.00</td><td></td><td>65,239</td><td>1.20</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Total votes</td><td>5,711,925</td><td>100.00</td><td></td><td>5,441,381</td><td>100.00</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Registered voters/turnout</td><td>8,215,304</td><td>69.53</td><td></td><td>7,703,191</td><td>70.64</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Source: National Electoral Commission, National Electoral Commission</td></tr></tbody></table>
Party list results by county and in the diaspora
Results by county: Fidesz: 40–50% 50–60% 60–70% United for Hungary: 40–50%
<table><thead><tr><th>County</th><th>Fidesz–KDNP</th><th>EM</th><th>MH</th><th>MKKP</th><th>MEMO</th><th>NÉP</th><th>Turnout</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Bács-Kiskun</td><td>57.25</td><td>29.66</td><td>7.58</td><td>3.08</td><td>1.01</td><td>0.81</td><td>67.5%</td></tr><tr><td>Baranya</td><td>49.67</td><td>36.08</td><td>5.93</td><td>3.54</td><td>0.93</td><td>0.86</td><td>67.5%</td></tr><tr><td>Békés</td><td>52.81</td><td>34.36</td><td>7.64</td><td>2.62</td><td>0.92</td><td>0.89</td><td>66.4%</td></tr><tr><td>Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén</td><td>54.38</td><td>34.29</td><td>6.89</td><td>2.31</td><td>0.99</td><td>0.78</td><td>64.7%</td></tr><tr><td>Budapest</td><td>40.84</td><td>47.84</td><td>4.11</td><td>5.19</td><td>1.26</td><td>0.53</td><td>75.5%</td></tr><tr><td>Csongrád-Csanád</td><td>47.44</td><td>39.69</td><td>7.34</td><td>3.61</td><td>1.10</td><td>0.72</td><td>70.5%</td></tr><tr><td>Fejér</td><td>53.55</td><td>33.80</td><td>6.62</td><td>3.52</td><td>1.15</td><td>0.76</td><td>71.5%</td></tr><tr><td>Győr-Moson-Sopron</td><td>57.07</td><td>30.83</td><td>6.21</td><td>3.28</td><td>1.33</td><td>0.72</td><td>73.7%</td></tr><tr><td>Hajdú-Bihar</td><td>57.88</td><td>30.87</td><td>6.60</td><td>2.69</td><td>1.02</td><td>0.83</td><td>66.1%</td></tr><tr><td>Heves</td><td>54.98</td><td>33.37</td><td>7.31</td><td>2.50</td><td>0.97</td><td>0.74</td><td>69.0%</td></tr><tr><td>Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok</td><td>55.58</td><td>33.02</td><td>7.15</td><td>2.45</td><td>0.95</td><td>0.82</td><td>65.9%</td></tr><tr><td>Komárom-Esztergom</td><td>50.53</td><td>36.32</td><td>6.72</td><td>3.39</td><td>1.11</td><td>0.95</td><td>69.3%</td></tr><tr><td>Nógrád</td><td>59.00</td><td>29.27</td><td>7.66</td><td>2.15</td><td>0.80</td><td>0.68</td><td>66.9%</td></tr><tr><td>Pest</td><td>50.88</td><td>36.44</td><td>5.81</td><td>4.05</td><td>1.25</td><td>0.66</td><td>72.9%</td></tr><tr><td>Somogy</td><td>56.33</td><td>33.48</td><td>5.97</td><td>2.22</td><td>1.02</td><td>0.66</td><td>68.2%</td></tr><tr><td>Szabolcs-Szatmár-Bereg</td><td>61.66</td><td>29.04</td><td>5.59</td><td>1.64</td><td>0.91</td><td>0.80</td><td>65.4%</td></tr><tr><td>Tolna</td><td>58.95</td><td>28.49</td><td>6.67</td><td>2.46</td><td>0.90</td><td>0.81</td><td>68.8%</td></tr><tr><td>Vas</td><td>59.94</td><td>29.55</td><td>5.59</td><td>2.89</td><td>0.89</td><td>0.72</td><td>74.8%</td></tr><tr><td>Veszprém</td><td>52.57</td><td>34.44</td><td>6.88</td><td>3.39</td><td>1.00</td><td>0.76</td><td>71.8%</td></tr><tr><td>Zala</td><td>56.72</td><td>31.98</td><td>6.63</td><td>2.68</td><td>0.95</td><td>0.94</td><td>71.6%</td></tr><tr><td>Total in Hungary</td><td>52.45</td><td>36.15</td><td>6.15</td><td>3.42</td><td>1.10</td><td>0.73</td><td>70.21%</td></tr><tr><td>Diaspora</td><td>93.89</td><td>4.12</td><td>1.06</td><td>0.61</td><td>0.10</td><td>0.22</td><td>–</td></tr><tr><td>Total</td><td>54.13</td><td>34.44</td><td>5.88</td><td>3.27</td><td>1.04</td><td>0.70</td><td>69.59%</td></tr></tbody></table>
Aftermath
2022 Hungarian parliamentary election
Viktor Orbán celebrating his victory
Hungary's incumbent prime minister Viktor Orbán, seeking a fourth consecutive term in office, declared victory on Sunday night, with partial results showing his Fidesz party leading the vote by a wide margin. Addressing his supporters after the partial results, Orbán said: "We won a victory so big that you can see it from the moon, and you can certainly see it from Brussels." Orbán would go on to declare his victory as a rebuke against the Hungarian left, international media, George Soros, the "Brussels bureaucrats", and Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Opposition leader Péter Márki-Zay admitted defeat shortly after Orbán's speech. Reuters described it as a "crushing victory", and that "voters endorsed his ambition of a conservative, 'illiberal' state and shrugged off concerns over Budapest's close ties with Moscow."
Although the election had been predicted to be closer than in previous years, Fidesz maintained a 5–6 percentage point lead in the polls leading up to the vote. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) monitored the vote amid fears of electoral fraud. Preliminary results showed Fidesz was set to outperform polls, retain its supermajority, and control 135 seats of the 199-seat Hungarian Parliament, significantly ahead of the main opposition alliance United for Hungary, which was set to win 57 seats after 100% of the votes had been counted. The Mi Hazánk party also entered Parliament for the first time, winning 6 seats.
Analysis
Domestically, the degree of Fidesz's victory was attributed to Fidesz's influence over the domestic media landscape, voters' desire for stability during the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, strong ideological differences within the main opposition coalition, the perception of Márki-Zay as inexperienced, and urban–rural political polarization. Some analysts claimed that the majority of Jobbik voters turned out for Fidesz or Mi Hazánk instead of the united opposition. Márki-Zay shared this assessment, admitting that the united opposition may have lost up to "two thirds" of Jobbik voters.
On the Hungarian left, there was disagreement about how to interpret the united opposition's defeat. DK leader Ferenc Gyurcsány and Jobbik leader Péter Jakab blamed Márki-Zay, while Bernadett Szél and Ákos Hadházy did not. Péter Ungár stated that while it was a "strategic mistake" for a centre-left alliance to nominate the conservative Márki-Zay, the united opposition's "elitist" rhetoric may have hurt it with rural voters even in traditionally left-leaning constituencies. Some opposition leaders even questioned whether forming a united front had been advantageous. Imre Komjáthi, a socialist MP, said that "the cracks and contradictions between our parties [in] ideology, technicalities, and resources had started to introduce coordination problems" during the election. He added that, in his view, the coalition had not been "genuine."
Politico predicted Orbán's victory would lead to further clashes between the Hungarian government and European Union institutions. Analysts found that Fidesz performed strongest in areas with high birthrates and with lower educational or economic attainment, while the united opposition did best in Budapest and in a few other urban areas.
Conduct
International observers' assessments of the electoral process were mixed. The OSCE monitoring mission evaluated that "the legal framework forms an adequate basis for democratic elections to be held, but a number of key aspects fall short of international standards." The OSCE added that the election day passed peacefully, with observers assessing the process as well-organized, orderly, and smooth. The monitoring mission further reported that the elections "offered voters distinct alternatives and were well run, but, while competitive, was marred by the pervasive overlapping of government and ruling coalition's messaging that blurred the line between state and party, as well as by media bias and opaque campaign funding." Human Rights Watch stated that the election was "marred by serious concerns about its fairness", adding that the "EU has responded insufficiently to the hollowing out of democracy and the rule of law in Hungary", while Freedom House described the election as neither free nor fair.
Anomalies over postal ballots
Since the 2014 parliamentary election, the right to vote is extended to Hungarian citizens, after a registration process, who do not have a permanent residence in Hungary (i.e. mostly the Hungarian diaspora in the neighboring countries, who have dual citizenship); however, they can only vote for the national list of Hungarian parties, so they do not have a chance to vote in individual constituencies. Unlike those Hungarians who have a Hungarian address but live abroad, the members of the Hungarian diaspora can cast their ballots by post without having to travel to an embassy or consulate. Critics say this method do not provide sufficient guarantees to prevent election fraud. Since 2014, the ruling party Fidesz–KDNP usually acquired more than 90 percent of the vote among the Hungarian diaspora.
Transtelex.ro, a Hungarian-language Romanian news portal revealed all possible frauds allowed by the legally undeveloped system. For instance, the registration process was not secure, as the data allowed a voter to register on behalf of another person and retrieve voting documents to any address. In the case of identification sheets, it was not possible to determine with absolute certainty whether it had actually been completed by the person whose name appears on it. As a result of a change in legislation in 2021, it was possible to return the vote without the posted security sealed envelope, therefore, there was no guarantee that the ballot paper had not been replaced. There were several reports that a person could also easily vote on behalf of their family members. Telex.hu reported a case that grandparents of a woman from Odorheiu Secuiesc, who resided in Budapest in the weeks of the election, filled her personal data and voted on her behalf. She said, "I have already been outraged that they have filled in the official paper and sent it for me, abusing my personal rights, but, in addition, they have voted for a party that I do not support because it represents an ideologically opposed position to me".
According to reports, the activists of the Fidesz-ally Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMSZ) delivered the ballot papers instead of the Pošta Srbije in Vojvodina, Serbia. News portal Szabad Magyar Szó reported that the party officials sent messages to the registered voters to come to the local offices of the VMSZ to cast their ballot there. In Transylvania, Romania, pro-Fidesz organizations and parties of the Hungarian minority, including the parliamentary party Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR or RMDSZ) also urged the registered voters to pass on their votes to them and not to entrust the postal service with the delivery of their ballot papers, because there is less chance that the vote will reach Hungary. In response, the Poșta Română complained against the call.
In the area between Livezeni and Târgu Mureș in Romania, a bag containing partially burnt Hungarian election postal ballot papers was found on illegal waste dump on 1 April 2022. Every ballot paper was filled out with votes for the opposition United for Hungary alliance or Our Homeland Movement. The National Election Office (NVI) and the Hungarian Civil Liberties Union (TASZ) filed a criminal complaint over the burnt ballot papers to the Hungarian Police. Péter Márki-Zay, prime minister-candidate of the United for Hungary, called on the annulment of all postal votes. Anna Orosz of the Momentum Movement demanded that the government ensure a level playing field for all Hungarian citizens voting abroad. Jobbik politician Dániel Z. Kárpát compared the scandal with the infamous "blue-ballot" election in 1947. The Fidesz blamed the United for Hungary for burning the ballot papers, saying "the desperate left-wing is capable of anything despicable". The Fidesz-ally UDMR also condemned the "accusations of election fraud", assuming "an organized provocation" against the ethnic Hungarian minority in Romania. The National Election Commission (NVB) announced on 3 April it will not investigate the issue of the discarded and burned postal ballots, because the election law only covers the territory of Hungary. The Curia of Hungary upheld the NVB's decision on 10 April 2022.
The ruling Fidesz acquired 93.91 percent of the mail votes, which accounted for 8% of all votes cast on the party's national list. This meant an extra mandate for Fidesz. The United for Hungary and the Our Homeland gained only 4.1 and 1.06 percent, respectively.
International responses
Heads of government and heads of state congratulating Orbán on his victory included Russian president Vladimir Putin, Czech president Miloš Zeman, Slovenian prime minister Janez Janša, Croatian prime minister Andrej Plenković, Kazakh president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi, Albanian prime minister Edi Rama, Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Israeli president Isaac Herzog, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Bulgarian president Rumen Radev, Kyrgyz president Sadyr Japarov, Belarusian president Alexander Lukashenko, Serbian president Aleksandar Vučić, Slovak prime minister Eduard Heger, Chinese premier Li Keqiang, Austrian chancellor Karl Nehammer, and Czech prime minister Petr Fiala.
Other politicians and political parties to congratulate Orbán included Matteo Salvini, leader of Italy's Northern League and former deputy prime minister, Hunor Kelemen, leader of Romania's UDMR and deputy prime minister, Nigel Farage, former leader of United Kingdom's Brexit Party, former Slovak prime minister Robert Fico, former U.S. president Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, leader of France's National Rally, Dutch Party for Freedom politician Geert Wilders, Milorad Dodik, the Serb member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Spanish political party Vox. Reflecting ongoing tensions over Russian sanctions, Polish prime minister Mateusz Morawiecki was slightly more reserved but said that "regardless of [Poland's] relations with Hungary, we must note that the Fidesz-Christian Democrat alliance won its fourth consecutive election with the best possible results."
The European Council president Charles Michel congratulated Orbán, while the NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg expressed "acknowledgment" of the results. Two days after the election, the European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen announced that the commission would begin cutting funding to Hungary over rule-of-law concerns. Hungarian government officials criticized the move as an attempt to "punish Hungarian voters".